英国论文代写-城市贫民窟。在古老的城市里，城市贫民窟并不常被考虑，它们的分布、发展和培育更为均衡。随后的技术创新、工业阴谋和制造业的速度在全球范围内创造了一种人工需求，这似乎是无可争辩的，几乎所有的大陆都屈服于互联性(Montgomery, 2009)。工业化、全球化的发展超越了国界，把世界上每一个人都联系在了最遥远的边界上。经济优势成为奢侈品的缩影。世界的全球化开始了，乡村社区被吸引去寻找未知，并进入城市中心(Potter, Gale & Pack, 2017)。农村人口迁移到城市中心，很大程度上是因为它提供的经济优势和更高的生活质量与增加的收入(张，2002)。随着贫民窟规模和城市人口的增加，经济分权是不可避免的，因为大城市与小城市有着完全不同的贫民窟问题，因此省级政策和权力也在增长(Tanner et al.， 2009)。权力下放形成了单独的预算，单独的政策，贫民窟的具体政策，以解决贫民窟人口的增长和处理前所未有的贫民窟人口增长(Devas, 2001)。
Urbanization increased urban slums, because the immediate rise in the cost of living and high property prices for the poor left rural communities to living in cramped, sliced, and miniscule houses built on one another (Nandi & Gamkhar, 2013). The population influx was that it became uncontrollable for the local government to accommodate, because the pace of migration to urban cities was more than the ability to build houses for them (Das, 2015). This created a huge mismatch between the reason of increasing urban population and the ability of the government to embrace and accommodate all slum dwellers.
Although there has been sizeable development in many Asian cities like Mumbai, Shanghai, New Delhi, Jakarta, etc., it remains an ever constant problem of having the problem of urban slums as unresolved (Banerjee & Chakrabarti, 2013). This is because population influx is becoming increasingly unaffordable for the urban centres to manage in the wake of a cyclical economy and lack of consistency in funds for social housing. As soon as one set of slums are afforded a house, it emerges a new slum and a new question of arranging funds for their development through subsidies or taxes. For example, Mumbai government reported that in the census study in 2001, it emerged that about half of Mumbai’s population lives in slums, 47% of which are situated on private land, 42% on public lands, 10% on other lands and 1% on railway land (“Mumbai city development plan 2005-2025”, 2005). The same figure 10 years later went up to 62%, which is a significant extension from the 2001 census (Jain, 2010). This itself indicates the dismal case of how despite the best of hopes shown by globalization and liberal policies, accommodating slums into the urban fabric remains ill-managed and devoid of proactive policy measures. Banerjee-Guha (2010) argued that the condition of slum dwellers is always deficient of the minimum threshold of a reasonably acceptable hygienic life.
This essay argues that although economic decentralization has managed to improve living conditions of slums and reduced their extent, any kind of economic decentralization is incapable of handling the incessant growth of slums and provides social housing which exceeds demand.
Urbanization is the new theme since last three decades when foreign investments were let lose across world economies and free and constant movement of capital and manpower triggered a new wave of development theories. There was nothing as important and urgent as development and progress, because it entailed a belief that mass development will “somehow” percolate down to the most disadvantaged class and lift them out of poverty. Liberalist policies became the centre stage of policy debates and there was immense intellectual strength invested in identifying innovative ways of opening up domestic markets for foreign investments. Realising issues associated with incessant migration and urbanization that could, at once, emerge was largely ignored. Decentralization of economies led to distribution of power and decisions between central and provincial governments, so that the provinces could take affordable decisions as they deem fit about the different issues encountered (Durand-Lasserve & Royston, 2012; Daniere & Douglass, 2012; Beall, Guha-Khasnobis & Kanbur, 2012).
More capital investments in urban cities grew an unprecedented demand of talent, industrial and manufacturing workers. Urbanization was the answer in which rural population migrated to urban cities and settled. The urbanization drive was a wonder in itself, as there was no conceivable idea of an economic collapse and sudden loss of jobs. This was seen largely in China that was consumed about urbanization and wanted every farm worker or rural resident to come to work in urban factories immediately, which built urbanization beyond boundaries (Evans, 2001). Likewise, Mumbai became the magnet of economic prosperity for rural migrants coming from far flung states that were deprived of development and opportunities. Urban slums are defined as the cluster of housing that does not come up on private, government, or public land and occupy it without legal permission or acknowledgement. However, there are external factors that are equally responsible in the rise of slums as economic advantage. Two of these are the international institutions and their policy impacts, and the obstacles and successes of scaling up slum upgrading interventions. These two should be discussed in detail in the context of the case study of Mumbai.
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